Showing posts sorted by relevance for query monotheism. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query monotheism. Sort by date Show all posts

Wednesday, May 14, 2008

Richard Bauckham on Monotheism

I'm writing a little piece on Jewish monotheism and so am trying to organize in my mind a host of materials on the subject. Today I thought I would try to get some of my thoughts on Richard Bauckham's work on the subject down on screen.

Bauckham's work on this topic is great because he has left us with a great paper trail that can function as a kind of archaeological dig in which to trace the development of his ideas. If anyone is looking for a topic for a masters thesis in biblical studies, as soon as his summative work on this subject comes out (we've been waiting for 10 years), the circle will be complete. Perhaps it's not in exactly the form he'd planned initially, but alas, we're glad to get it finally.

Here is the paper trail as best I can tell:

"The Worship of Jesus in Apocalyptic Christianity," New Testament Studies 27 (1980-81).

"Jesus, Worship of," Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 3 article (1993).

God Crucified: Monotheism and Christology in the New Testament (Didsbury Lectures, given in 1996, published by Paternoster in 1998, by Eerdmans in 1999). This is the best single resource available at present.

"The Worship of Jesus in Philippians 2:9-11," in Where Christology Began: Essays on Philippians 2 (1998).

"The Throne of God and the Worship of God," in The Jewish Roots of Christological Monotheism: Papers from the St. Andrews Conference on the Historical Origins of the Worship of Jesus (given as a paper in 1998, published by Brill in 1999)

"Monotheism and Christology in the Gospel of John," in Contours of Christology in the New Testament, Eerdmans, 2002.

"Monotheism and Christology in Hebrews 1," in Early Jewish and Christian Monotheism (2004)

"Paul's Christology of Divine Identity"

"The Divinity of Jesus," The Epistle to the Hebrews and Christian Theology, forthcoming from Eerdmans, 2008.

Jesus and the God of Israel, forthcoming book that I think will sum up these different articles and papers in one place.

Here's a very brief summary of the first chapter of God Crucified.

1. There are two main approaches to the question of monotheism and Judaism at the time of Christ:
  • The first sees monotheism as an essential characteristic of Judaism of the time.
  • The second sees Judaism as blurry at the time, with various angels, exalted patriarchs and such as sharing in God's divinity to varying degrees.
Bauckham comes out squarely in the camp of the first, as the remaining points of the chapter will make clear. I think that Bauckham is largely correct on this score.

2. Bauckham argues that Jews made a strict distinction between God and the creation, with God's unique identity consisting in two aspects:
  • God as sole creator. Bauckham argues strongly that Jewish texts did not allow for any other angel or exalted being to take part in the creation.
  • God as sole ruler. Bauckham argues strongly that only God could rule and sit on His throne. Angels and exalted figures did not rule for God. God ruled and they served.
I have more questions about Bauckham's construct here and want to read the texts he mentions more carefully. Certainly Yahweh is creator over and against the gods of the other nations. Is there really care on the part of Jewish authors to make sure angels aren't thought to have a role in creation?

I'm also unclear about the hard exclusion of angels from participating in God's rule. Would not the royal traditions of the OT imply that the messiah would participate in God's rule?

3. Bauckham's attempt to move beyond the distinction between "functional" and "ontic" Christologies. A functional Christology would consider language of Christ's divinity as a matter of him functioning in ways that divinity functions. An ontic Christology would argue that Christ's divinity is a matter of him having a divine nature.

Clearly Christianity came to view Christ's divinity as a matter of his nature. It is less clear, however, that the New Testament was already thinking in such categories. Bauckham suggests a new way of thinking about Christ's divinity that thinks of Christ as becoming part of God's unique identity, understood more in terms of what God does rather than what God is.

I have generally found the way Bauckham describes this concept as ambiguous, but that's because Bauckham is half theologian :) (I have the same reaction to Barth). Surprise, surprise, Bauckham had been reading Hans Frei's The Identity of Jesus Christ.

4. Bauckham divides Jewish intermediary figures into two categories:
  • angels and exalted patriarchs--these Bauckham excludes from divine roles in creation or rule
  • personifications of divine attributes--figures like God's wisdom and word are part of God's identity, and so can participate in God's creation and rule, but they are part of God's identity.
5. The inclusion of Christ within God's identity is
  • pre-NT and already has the highest Christology of the NT, since Christ participates in the essential, unique aspects of God's divinity
  • unprecedented within Judaism, although anticipated by figures like wisdom and word
6. Update:
Since God Crucified, Bauckham has spoken of three dimensions of Jewish monotheism (slight shift from the "creation" and "rule" aspects that imply "sole worship" or monolatry):
  • creational monotheism--God as sole creator
  • eschatological monotheism--God will be the final ruler of all
  • cultic monotheism--God alone is worthy of worship
7. Pre-evaluation
I wonder if some of these distinctions Bauckham makes are somewhat artificially imposed on Jewish literature. It is quite possible that he is thinking more deeply than I have as yet caught on to.

A particular question I have relates to Bauckham's ideas on Jesus inheriting the divine name YHWH. In the Philippian hymn and in Hebrews 1, Jesus receives these divine names at the point of his exaltation to God's right hand, incorporation into God's eschatological monotheism. Bauckham sees no way then that Jesus cannot then also be included within God's creational monotheism, as in 1 Corinthians 8:6.

I am sure that this means something coherent in Bauckham's mind, and I will continue to pursue it. My Dunnian realism, however, leaves me wondering what it could mean in the real world for the real Jesus and ex-Pharisee Paul rather than the esoteric halls of post-liberal theology.

Tuesday, August 19, 2008

Defining First Century Jewish Monotheism

After years of some general hunches and vague feelings, I believe I am finally ready to formulate a positioned statement on what I think Jewish monotheism was at the time of Christ. This should appear in print with refinement and extensive footnotes in one or two places next year.

A word of preface is in order. The very term monotheism is a product of the Enlightenment and, as we will see, tends to smuggle in anachronistic notions into the discussion. Ancient Judaism was clearly a religion of "one God," but this notion must be defined on their terms, not on modern philosophical or theological terms.

First, Jewish monotheism at the time of Christ was, first and foremost, a statement of God's sovereign power. Power, more than any other thing, was the defining characteristic of a god in the ancient world. (Immortality was the other) The notion that the divine is transcendent, ontologically distinct and unknowable from human categories, is largely anachronistic for the ancient world. Only Philo seems to approach such a view. We should more think in terms of a scale of being, with gods on the top.

So for some Jews at the time of Christ, monotheism might more aptly be described as "monarchism," the idea that there is one sovereign God who is more powerful than any other god or spiritual power. God is the King who reigns supreme over all the other gods.

Artapanus perhaps represents the last outpost of first century monotheism in that he does not seem to deny the existence of other gods or to condemn the other nations from worshipping them. But he presumably would not worship them himself and his God is of course the "master of the universe."

Other Jews took a more adversarial position between the one God and these other spiritual powers. The War Scroll at Qumran looks to a final battle between the sons of darkness and the sons of light. And it uses the word gods in reference to the spiritual forces among the sons of darkness. God will of course defeat them, an aspect of God's sovereignty that Richard Bauckham aptly calls "eschatological monotheism."

God is thus unique not least because He is the most powerful, the supreme deity. One expression of this unique sovereignty is His role as creator, which Richard Bauckham aptly calls "creational monotheism." But God's unique role of creator is really an expression of his sovereignty.

Here it's important to recognize that the Jews of this time had no sense of creation out of nothing, an idea that didn't seem to emerge until the late second century AD. We should think of creation at this time more in terms of giving order to chaos and formlessness than the generation of material.

Presumably, however, God as sole creator means that He created all parent beings. Certainly he created the human parents. But he also created all the angels, some of whom rebelled, whether the watchers at the time of the Flood in the Enoch tradition or Satan with the creation of Adam in the Life of Adam and Eve. Their rebellion was subsequent to their creation.

The second key aspect of monotheism corresponded to God's supreme sovereignty, namely, his exclusive rights to human worship. Again, there were apparently those like Artapanus that did not have a problem with other nations worshipping other (inferior) gods. Meanwhile, they served the "one supreme God" and their "one God." They "had no other gods before Him." Perhaps many of the anonymous and silent Diaspora Jews scattered throughout the world had such a view.

But by far the vast majority of the Jewish literature we have from this period sees YHWH as the sole legitimate God and thus the only God that should be worshipped. Bauckham calls this "cultic monotheism" and Larry Hurtado and others put a big premium on this element in the equation.

In my opinion, however, the way Bauckham and others treat worship in this period is slightly anachronistic in the same way that thinking of God's transcendence often is. To give worship is to honor and reverence a superior power. Since God is the superior power and the legitimate power, He is obviously in a category all its own when it comes to worship.

It is also true that there is a strong tradition within Jewish apocalyptic in which angels refuse worship in deference to the one God. In the words of Hebrews, angels are "ministering spirits." They are servants. You do not worship servants.

Where the line gets blurry is when we are talking about kings of various types. An earthly king is a "son of God," a divine son, not least because a king exerts over humans a power and authority analogous to the sovereignty of God over the cosmos. Indeed, the king mediates God's sovereignty. One can thus "bow the knee" or "worship" a human king as long as this reverence is properly subordinated to the glory of God the Father.

God made Moses "like a god to Pharaoh"--he gave him Godlike power and authority. Satan is told to "worship" Adam in the garden in the Life of Adam and Eve because Adam is his superior and an image of God, while Satan is merely a servant of God. And of course Moses in Ezekiel the Tragedian is worshipped on a heavenly throne in a way analogous, but almost certainly subordinate to the worship of Moses' God. The fact that this is a dream does not obviate the basic dynamic of this uncomfortable example.

Things get even blurrier when the "royal" figure is a heavenly being. The Son of Man in the Parables of Enoch is a heavenly king. He is thus worthy of "worship" as long as such worship is clearly subordinated to and a function of the glory of God. Yahoel in the Apocalypse of Abraham similarly occupies an ambiguous space between being a subject of God and participating in God's throne.

In my opinion, Bauckham is "making up the rules" when he assumes that participation in creation and God's throne were absolutely off limits as a function of monotheism. What ancient evidence is there for this other than his definitions? Certainly many if not most ancient Jews might agree with him. But on what basis can he imply that an ancient Jew who did not agree with these parameters was thereby disloyal to the idea of "one God"? As Hurtado has argued, we must let them set the parameters for what we allow under the heading of "monotheism."

We might finally mention the matter of sacrifice. It seems doubtful that--perhaps except for some Diaspora Jews on the fridge of what we call Judaism at the time--Jews offered sacrifices to other gods. As far as I can tell, even in those instances where veneration is given to "royal" subordinates of God, they are never given sacrifice.

And why would they? The purpose of sacrifice was to secure the favor of God, including the deflection of God's wrath. Since YHWH was the ultimate sovereign in question even in those instances where other "royal" figures were in play, He would clearly be the one who needed propitiated.

"Cultic monotheism" would thus seem to apply most properly, then, to the fact that no other being was the proper recipient of sacrifice. On this score, therefore, I would suggest that Hurtado is the one who "makes up the rules" as to where non-sacrificial "cultic veneration" could or could not apply to figures other than the one God.

Ancient Jewish "monotheism" was thus primarily a matter of God's superior, sovereign power and rule, a power and position captured most clearly in his role as sole creator. Accordingly, He was the only God appropriate to worship. However, kings and heavenly beings that participate in His throne might also be said worthy of a reverence or "worship" as long as it is clearly subordinated to Him. Few Jews, of course, had any notion of such a being. Those that did were by far the exception rather than the rule.

Tuesday, August 05, 2008

The Worship of Jesus: The Spectrum of Positions

For some time, New Testament scholarship has debated the question of when the earliest Christians worshipped Jesus and what exactly that might mean. Wilhelm Bousset put forward the most influential hypothesis of the twentieth century, in which he argued that the worship of Jesus arose in the context of Greco-Roman religion in Paul's churches. The earliest, Aramaic-speaking believers, according to Bousset, did not worship Jesus.

In the post-Holocaust world, however, voices like Krister Stendahl, W. D. Davies, and E. P. Sanders began to undermine long standing views about the nature of "early" Judaism and early Christianity's relationship to it. The ripple effects of their re-examination has drastically impacted the study of Paul (the "new" perspective) and the historical Jesus (the "third" quest). Similarly, it has brought intense scrutiny on Bousset's understanding of the "parting of the ways," so called, between Christianity and Judaism. A slew of studies in the 90s opened what some have called a new religionsgeschichtliche Schule, in which Christian origins are located in relation to early Judaism as the primary influence rather than Greco-Roman religion.

We can largely categorize this diverse body of literature and its voices by the way a given scholar addresses three questions. First, did those who believed Jesus was the messiah worship him in the strictest sense of that term? Secondly, if they did, did this worship stand outside the boundaries of mainstream Jewish monotheism? Finally, if they did, when did this worship first take place and what factors facilitated it?

A first group of contemporary scholars would answer affirmative to the first question and would see the worship of Jesus early in answer to the third. At the same time, however, they understand the "Judaisms" of the time to be so diverse that monotheism was not a strict boundary to be violated. Jewish believers in Jesus would thus have violated monotheism by later standards, but such standards would be anachronistic in relation to the first century. Christian Judaism would simply stand as one of many diverse Jewish options of the day. Such scholars include individuals like Jarl Fossum, Margaret Barker, and Crispin Fletcher-Louis.

A second group of contemporary scholars has attempted to bolster a position that more or less aligns with traditional Christian views. This perspective sees monotheism as an established boundary within Judaism at the time and sees the worship of Jesus as a relatively early phenomenon within the Christian movement. However, they argue that this worship was not a violation of Jewish monotheism. Although the various ways in which they argue for this position differ significantly from one another, we might mention Larry Hurtado, Richard Bauckham, and N. T. Wright as exponents of this perspective.

The view that prevailed throughout most of the twentieth century affirmed Jewish monotheism and saw the worship of Jesus fairly early (usually with Paul or Hellenistic Christianity). However, it did see the worship of Jesus as a significant departure from Jewish monotheism. Wilhelm Bousset was of course the fountainhead of this perspective and the impact of his work dominated the scholarship of the early and mid-twentieth century.

A final view affirms Jewish monotheism as a relatively fixed boundary, but does not see the worship of Jesus in the fullest sense of that term as a phenomenon of the earliest Christian believers. Rather, it sees the full worship of Jesus as the end of a process of development that only reaches its destination in John and the latest writings of the New Testament, if even then. The best known proponents of this position are James D. G. Dunn and Maurice Casey.

Monday, August 04, 2008

Dunn's Partings 9: "One God, One Lord"

Chapter 10 of James D. G. Dunn's, The Partings of the Ways is "One God, One Lord," and it asks whether or not Paul's writings have yet departed from mainstream Judaism. Dunn's answer is "no." Throughout the chapter he concludes repeatedly that "nothing of what has been covered above seems to have caused any question or concern among Paul's Jewish contemporaries" in relation to the issue of monotheism (170). In a comment reminiscent of Hurtado--while ironically differing from him on the issue--Dunn suggests that "Had Paul's christology been equally, or more contentious [as his understanding of the Jewish Law] at this time for his fellow Jews, we would surely have heard of it from Paul's own letters."

1. Resurrection
The belief of Paul and the earliest Christians that Jesus rose from the dead, that he was exalted to heaven, did not threaten monotheism. A unique and remarkable belief about a person who had just been alive, yes. But squarely within Judaism.

2. Exaltation to divine functions
Here Dunn disagrees with what would become Bauckham's position. The fact that Jesus participates in the judgment is quite remarkable, but it does not threaten Jewish monotheism for Jesus judges as God's representative.

Jesus' resurrection, his ascension, his apotheosis/transformation, these are remarkable things to attribute that someone who was recently alive. But we find Jewish precendents for them. Peter facilitates the giving of the Spirit, and no one thinks he threatens monotheism.

So to extend Dunn, I don't find Bauckham's assumption that Jesus must be included within the divinity because Jesus is on a throne persuasive. I think he fails to demonstrate that this must be the case. He mostly assumes it must be. His valiant attempts to work around Ezekiel the Tragedian and the Parables of Enoch are unpersuasive to me.

3. Jesus as Lord
This sentence sums up Dunn on this issue, and I find it hard to disagree: "Paul in fact calls Jesus 'Lord' as much as a means of distinguishing Jesus from God as of identifying him with God" (250).

"The LORD said to my Lord," says Psalm 110:1. Hebrews 1:6: "Therefore God, his God anointed him." And the timing of the acquiring of the name LORD is at the point of resurrection/exaltation. Bauckham in my opinion largely ignores this dynamic.

4. Jesus as Last Adam
I hink most will agree that Paul's Adam Christology did not impinge on monotheism. However, Dunn tries to make it undo the pre-existence of Christ in the Philippian "hymn." Few will go with him here.

As I've said here before, the Philippian hymn is the one place in Paul's writings that is very difficult not to see an affirmation of Christ's pre-existence. Its uniqueness, in that regard, is suspicious. But Dunn's understanding of the hymn seems problematic--that the form of God is Christ's Adamic state in the image of God, but that unlike Adam Christ did not try to seize equality with God.

Dunn also notes the key passage in the Life of Adam and Eve where God commands the angels to "worship" Adam. Dunn would not see the worship of Jesus in Paul as any more of a departure from Jewish monotheism than this.

5. Jesus as wisdom
Dunn makes an excellent case, I think, in this section that a Jew reading passages like Colossians 1:15ff would hear an implicit comparison of Christ to God's wisdom. The strength of his argument is that he so much as asks us to picture how a Jew with no prior knowledge of Christ would understand such passages. I think he is absolutely right in his answer to this question. However, the retort asks, But these would be individuals who knew a little something about Christ beforehand?

6. Jesus and the Spirit
Dunn here shows the striking way in which Paul glides from virtually equating the Spirit with the risen Christ to distinguishing the two. "Jesus and the Spirit were seen to overlap in function, but not wholly to coincide" (266). This stretches mainstream Jewish categories, but Dunn thinks it still stands within Judaism.

7. Jesus as God
Since Dunn does not think Paul wrote Titus, the only place he really considers as a possible flat out reference to Jesus as God is Romans 9:5. But the punctuation is at issue and Dunn favors as more likely the reading that separates, "God be blessed forever" from Jesus. One's answer here will largely turn on one's assessment of Paul's broader categories.

Dunn also addresses Hurtado's argument that the cultic devotion to Jesus in Paul already marks a significant mutation of Jewish monotheism. Dunn does recognize its significance: "These are indeed remarkable and we should not allow our familiarity with them to dull the astonishing character of such language spoken of one who had so recently lived on earth" (269).

But Dunn considers such imagery "a development only begun." In other words, it would lead eventually to something beyond Jewish monotheism. Just not yet in Paul. The hymns Hurtado cites are about Christ rather than to Christ. And despite invocations of Jesus, prayer is more often in Paul to God through Christ.

I might close by saying that I think it is a mistake to assume that the Christian understanding of Christ's divinity stands or falls on the interpretation of Paul. I think people like Bauckham, Hurtado, Wright, Witherington, etc. find themselves strongly driven to see as much of a later Christology in Paul as they can make the evidence fit without soiling their academic conscience. They are good Protestants.

But Roman Catholic scholars often have exactly the same impulse, it seems to me. Can't we have as much faith that God was unfolding these things in the early church as much as we Christians have faith that the New Testament unfolds things not yet on the Old Testament page?

Just a thought...

With some regret I need to move on from Dunn's Partings. I may only do one or two more chapters in Hurtado's Lord Jesus Christ as well for now. Too many things to write these next couple of months...

Saturday, May 31, 2008

Guest Post by Jonathan: A Response on Bauckham and Dunn

Hi Ken,

Interesting stuff. I've a great interest in these questions and would appreciate your thoughts. As I've studied the various interpretations of the development of NT Christology one thing that should be obvious, but is sometimes obscured by the nitty-gritty arguments, is that our conception of what constitutes monotheism in the NT period will essentially determine what we do with the christological texts.

E.g., as we move from the OT to the NT to the post-NT period, we can historically trace the conceptual development within Judaism from henotheism to monotheism to monism. This monism is a later rabbinic development - in reaction to the post-70 experience, during which boundaries were drawn tighter and earlier diversity anathematized - certain streams of apocalyptic thought were perceived to threaten God's unity (e.g., such as what became known as the two-power heresy). My concern with the Dunn-type line of understanding is that it retrojects back this later form of monism as normative for the NT period (most often as presuppositions, e.g., see the import of Partings 2nd ed., xxvi-xxvii). Thus, Paul can't really be seen to be saying that Christ is somehow intrinsic to God's own identity (as Bauckham puts it). That would constitute ditheism, so it cannot, by Dunn's definition of monotheism, be correct.

The logic of this, within monism, is that incorporating Christ within the Shema does not make sense unless you are collapsing their identities into one another, for how can two be one monad? Thus, as Dunn says, the one Lord must be being distinguished from the one God. It’s not that this isn’t true (they’re not being collapsed into one another) but that it’s not the whole picture. I think Dunn’s position on monotheism/monism in the NT period leads him to misunderstand what Paul was doing here. Monotheism was a doctrine which distinguished the “one” (God of Israel) over against the “many” (pagan gods and lords); monotheism was not about analysing the inner-being of the one God as a monad. All the "God is one" texts even show this (e.g., Rom 3:20 - the “one” God of all people groups, it’s just not about God's internal being). The question of God’s inner-being just doesn’t seem to have been an issue until the Christian understanding of Christ and other apocalypticists started sayings things which brought the question into play.

When this is historically taken on board, then I think that what Bauckham is trying to say can be more readily understood. As Second Temple Jews were more concerned with who God is, with his identity - not about conferring ontic estimations such as that he was a monad - then it was possible for the early Christians to now say that their God should be identified with reference to Jesus (leaving the Spirit out of the discussion for now). Before Christ, it was as the God of Israel, the eternal Creator and Ruler of all; after Christ, it was as the Father who raised the Son from the dead. The identification of who their God is, has changed in the light of the Christ-event.

Thus, with respect to 1 Cor. 8, it is precisely by saying that Jesus is intrinsic (not an addition) to God’s identity that allows monotheism (not monism) to be retained. Hence the Shema can be glossed with both Father and Son. This is further reinforced by the addition of the prepositions, “from”, “for”, and “through” (Rom 11:36). Splitting them among Father and Son ensures that God’s oneness (there is only one God, not two) is preserved. This is especially evident from the use of dia, which asserts the creative action of the Son. So the Son is intrinsic to who God is, and always was. It is the historical revelation of the Son which casts new light on who their God always was. Thus, Father and Son are not collapsed into one another, but are distinguished, but within the mystery of the one God’s being, not as the one God having one Lord added. This is ditheism, as Bauckham rightly objects. Hence Paul’s usual use of theos for the Father and kurios for the Son thus allows him to distinguish between them without collapsing them into one another, yet also then allows him to avoid ditheism – as in the Christianized Shema, in which they are both held together. I’ll come to the other YHWH texts which reinforce this below.

Historically, what Bauckham argues is that Christ was raised from the dead and exalted to God’s right hand over all things. This is the historical experience. This role/status that Christ received was not something that any ordinary man or messiah figure could have. As such, the logic goes that if he is now participating in these exclusively divine prerogatives/status then he must always have done so, for the adoption/apotheosis option must be rejected within a Jewish monotheistic matrix. It is their understanding of who Christ is now by what he does that led to an epistemological shift in their perception of who he must always have been. I wonder if part of your problem with Bauckham is that he’s not always entirely clear about the difference in his thesis between the historical unfolding of events for the early Christians (temporal sequence) and their perception of what it means (logical sequence)? I.e., it looks like Jesus is being “added” historically (temporal sequence), but it is actually a recognition of who he is always was (i.e., logical sequence --> the incarnate one – the person that they knew, Jesus messiah, was actually eternally Son).

However, Bauckham’s entire line of interpretation seems patently false if we start from monism rather than from monotheism. Monism precludes this: thus, 1 Cor 8 either seems like an addition of one Lord (ditheism), or must entail a denial of Christ’s divinity to ensure God’s oneness (just a man with a derivative role in exercising God’s sovereignty). Bauckham’s argument is rather that the texts suggests a greater perception and further identification of who God is in the light of Christ. We know and identify God by his character and his acts in history, in the Christ-event he has identified himself fully. He is not a new or two Gods (by adding a second figure), but it is a new perception on our part of who he is (the God known and revealed in the face of Jesus and by his Spirit).

The fact that Paul uses YHWH texts and applies them to Jesus should reinforce all of this or else Paul’s attribution of them to Christ seems frankly blasphemous. The weakness of Dunn’s analysis of these texts is very apparent as it’s difficult to avoid their import; it doesn’t just ascribe a derivative lordship, but connotes that the one historically known and experienced as Jesus, the incarnate Son, is the one known in times past as YHWH of the OT. Bauckham’s thesis assumes the progressive revelation of who God is through time, which is partly why I pointed you to this monotheism essay. God in himself might not change, but our understanding/perception and knowledge of him do. So, especially with the Christ-event, as our beloved Hebrews says (1:1-4).

YHWH texts and messianic ‘lord’: I can’t help feeling that this is a bit of a non-issue, for the different uses of ‘Lord’ are held together in the one person of the incarnate Son as the helpful and convenient linguistic nexus of two different conceptual ideas. While connoting divinity, YHWH texts are very important, but Jesus is still also the messianic lord with a role in salvation-history to perform (e.g., 1 Cor. 15:23-28).

I can't help wondering if a Dunnian influence makes it more difficult to get to grips with Bauckham’s thesis. I’ll really look forward to hearing your thoughts on all this ;-) Sorry it’s so long!

Friday, May 30, 2008

Friday Review: Bauckham's "Biblical Theology and ... Monotheism

Thanks to Jonathan for putting me onto Richard Bauckham's chapter, "Biblical Theology and the Problem of Monotheism" in the collection, Out of Egypt: Biblical Theology and Biblical Interpretation.

The first part of the chapter deals with monotheism and the OT and interacts significantly with the work of Bauckham's colleague at St. Andrews, Nathan MacDonald. Bauckham is largely supportive of MacDonald's claims that the word monotheism is problematic in relation to Deuteronomy given the heavy Enlightenment baggage it brings with it. Similarly, the OT does not deny the existence of other gods.

However, Bauckham spends some time arguing in contrast to MacDonald that YHWH was put in a superior category to all other gods, not simply superior for Israel. YHWH is the only god who might appropriately be called the God. Assuming that Bauckham has read MacDonald correctly, I agree substantially with his critique here.

In the next section, Bauckham branches out to the rest of the OT (MacDonald's work is primarily with Deuteronomy) and addresses questions like when in its development Israel reached this point. I hope to go back and finish this section, but I feel like it is somewhat tangential to my purposes, which is to get to Bauckham's thought on the NT on this subject.

And here let me vent one of my pet peeves with a host of scholars "evangelical' and "liberal" alike. I'm not venting so much toward Bauckham here--he's writing a piece on biblical theology so it is perfectly acceptable for him to explore the OT in the way he does. But I want to vent on a fallacy I was also prone to when I entered seminary, one I see pop up from time to time among scholars who should know better.

Here it is: the original meaning of the Old Testament is almost completely irrelevant to the original meaning of the New Testament. Hebrew, for example, is almost completely irrelevant when interpreting the book of Hebrews because its author apparently knew almost no Hebrew. This is a kind of reverse anachronistic fallacy, to bring the original, contextual meaning of an OT passage into discussion of how a NT author understood that passage.

What is important for understanding Paul or some other NT author's use of the OT is how they are likely to have understood various OT passages in their day. The Hebrew original or the Ancient Near Eastern context is, for the most part, completely irrelevant in NT interpretation. There, I said it.

The critique is potentially extended beyond historical anachronism to a kind of literary contextual "anachronism" as well. Although I largely support Hays' "echo" movement, it seems often to border on this fallacy because it assumes that NT authors paid more attention to OT contexts than, I think, they actually did for the most part. It is not safe to assume that a NT author was mindful of an OT literary context any more than is required to make sense of the train of thought of a NT passage.

This is the rule: Infer no more OT context into your reading of a NT passage than is necessary for it to make sense.

So let's look at my real interest, Bauckham's thoughts on the NT and monotheism.

First, let me agree with this comment by Bauckham: "there is no good evidence for the idea that non-monotheistic forms of Israelite religion survived through the Second Temple period to be available to the early Christians" (218).

Romans 3:28-40
"Or is God the God of the Jews only? Is he not the God of Gentiles also? Yes... since God is one."

Bauckham concludes that for Paul, Israel's election is paradigmatic for the whole world rather than exclusive (220). This seems to be the case. God's oneness implies that God is God of the whole world and not just of the Jews.

1 Corinthians 8:1-6
"For us there is one God, the Father ... and one Lord, Jesus Christ..."

This is an important verse for Bauckham, and it shows up in several of his works on this topic. His thesis is that Paul has taken the Shema and shuffled its words around to present a Christian version of the Shema. In it the identity of the one God comes to include Jesus within it.

Take the Shema in the LXX: "The Lord our God, the Lord, is one."

Here's Paul's shuffle: one God our, one Lord (YHWH)

I must confess that I don't find Bauckham's argument very convincing. If anything, the plain sense of "There is one God for us, the Father, and one Lord, Jesus" seems to distinguish Jesus from the one God. I am reminded of Ephesians 4:5: "one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God..." Does this mean to include one faith and one baptism within the identity of the one God?

By faith I believe Jesus was God, but these aren't the verses I would normally use to argue for it! They seem straightforwardly to distinguish Jesus as Lord from the one God.

Bauckham seems to me (and N. T. Wright) to be classic examples of scholars who are ingeniously able to make sophisticated arguments for claims that a simpleton like me looks at and says, "But he says one Lord as something different from one God." If Paul was really making such an intricate claim... then why didn't he make that claim explicitly. Does a person really have to be that smart to figure out what Paul is saying?

When I first started reading Climax of the Covenant almost 15 years ago, my first thought was, Wow, Wright knows so much and sees so many connections between things. I now think many of those connections are the product of an ingenious mind set to work on polyvalent texts in ways Paul himself would find fascinating... and completely news to him!

Bauckham's problem with the most straightforward reading of 1 Cor. 8:6 is this: "If Paul were understood as adding the one Lord to the one God of whom the Shema speaks, then, from the perspective of Jewish monotheism, he would certainly be producing, not christological monotheism, but outright ditheism" (224).

My response: apparently not. Apparently not because Paul clearly maintains monotheism in this chapter and considers Jesus to be Lord as something different.

Bauckham claims, "the term 'Lord', applied here to Jesus as the 'one Lord', is taken from the Shema itself." Now this is an interesting claim and one that is worth thinking about. It seems beyond question that Paul would know that the Greek kyrios was a translation of YHWH, the name of God. Surely Paul knows that at times he uses OT kyrios passages in relation to Jesus that translate YHWH. This is a helpful contribution Bauckham often makes.

However, I wonder if Bauckham is failing to make some important distinctions in Paul's use of the word Lord. Psalm 110:1, once again, makes a clear distinction between God the Father as Lord (the translation of YHWH) and the Messiah as Lord: "The LORD said to my Lord, 'Sit at my right hand.'" In my opinion, Paul's use of the word kyrios does not consistently use OT YHWH quotes either of God the Father or Jesus. It seems inescapable to me that Paul often paid little attention to the underlying Hebrew in his use of the word.

I have similar questions about Bauckham's claim that to use protological language unavoidably places Jesus within God's "identity." Bauckham: "it was unthinkable that any being other than God could even assist God" (224). "No more unequivocal way of including Jesus in the unique divine identity is conceivable, within the framework of Second Temple Jewish monotheism."

But how does this work? Does Paul think that, because Jesus is now in the identity of God, he must have always been, including in the process of creation? If so, then Jesus does not become included in the divine identity. He must have always been.

By contrast, if Jesus becomes included within the divine identity at the point of his exaltation, then he cannot suddenly become the past agent of creation. Either he had already been there or not.

These are questions of ontology, questions that Bauckham claims his "inclusion in the divine identity" approach works around. Perhaps a sophisticated modern theologian can come up with some way for this to work. But I suspect Paul the ancient would have picked either option a or b. And if so, then Bauckham's new option fades away as we return to the two options we had before.

Either Paul and other New Testament authors began with a sense of Jesus as having pre-existed before he came to earth or language of this sort was metaphorical at first and only came to be understood literally later.

Saturday, February 06, 2010

Quote from Alan Segal

From Life after Death: A History of the Afterlife in Western Religion, p.179. Segal is a genius, and the usual idiosyncratic professor. I once heard him read an SBL paper from his lap top, no doubt finished on the plane (if indeed it was finished :-). He is hilarious and generally on the list for a party of any significance at a scholarly convention. Jewish scholar of all things Jewish, including the New Testament, professor at Columbia in New York.
_________
"Though many think that dualism and monotheism are opposing phenomena, dualism actually seems to be a consequence of some difficulties with monotheism. From the perspective of ethics, monotheism is in opposition to polytheism, not to dualism. Once there is one god, he or she must be the author of all evil as well as good. Indeed, one might argue that dualism is not a stage on the way to monotheism so much as a stage beyond it, a strategic retreat from monotheism governed by the recognition that monotheism makes the explanation of evil problematic. In these dualisms, good will eventually conquer evil."

This passage appears in his treatment of Zoroastrianism.

Friday, June 06, 2008

Friday Review: Bauckham's "Throne of God"

Today I want to reflect on a paper Richard Bauckham gave at a conference in St. Andrews in 1998: "The Throne of God and the Worship of Jesus." It is now a chapter in The Jewish Roots of Christological Monotheism: Papers from the St. Andrews Conference on the Historical Origins of the Worship of Jesus, edited by Carey Newman, James Davila, and Gladys Lewis.

Let me just say that St. Andrews knows to put on conferences. I don't know any place that does a better job--especially in the light of the location. I was actually present when Bauckham gave this paper (10 years ago next weekend), although I will confess to having a problem sticking with most papers of this sort if I don't have a paper copy in front of me. So I sadly admit that reading this chapter was like hearing it for the first time--except of course that it is quite typical of the other things on monotheism by Bauckham I have interacted with here.

Bauckham's thesis is now very clear to me:

1. YHWH was distinguished from all other supposed gods as a) in a completely different category, even if they might be spiritual forces of some kind, b) this uniqueness had to do with YHWH being the sole Ruler of all things and c) YHWH being the sole Creator of all things and thus d) YHWH alone being the object of worship by all things.

This is a summary out of my head rather than the precise wording of this chapter, but these things for Bauckham constitute the "unique identity of the one God."

2. Among "intermediary figures," we can distinguish figures like wisdom and the logos that are included within God's unique identity and other figures such as exalted patriarchs and angels who were never included within that identity.

3. The exaltation to God's right hand that the early Christians understood through Psalm 110:1, because it associated Christ with God's throne, would have immediately implied to the early Christians, says Bauckham, that Jesus was included within God's unique identity. That would thus mean that he was involved with creation and the rule of all things and could receive the worship afforded the one God.

This train of thought is logical enough, but seems to me to assume too many "musts" based on ideological constructs like "God's unique identity" (which as Bauckham acknowledges is not an expression we actually find in any of these texts).

With regard to the throne of God, the focus of this chapter, Bauckham argues that "the throne of God in the highest heaven became a key symbol of monotheism... While a few traces of other enthroned figures associated with God's rule can be found, the subordination of such figures to God's rule is almost always stressed, while the overwhelming trend of the literature is towards emptying heaven of all thrones except God's" (53).

I can go for that--except I question the word monotheism. As he makes clear in his treatment of MacDonald we mentioned earlier, the word is not a biblical word. It is an Enlightenment word. I would prefer to say that the throne of God in the highest heaven reflects the sole rulership of God over every other being and power among all things.

Let me also say that "the subordination of such figures to God's rule" also jumps out at me given comments in the NT like 1 Cor. 15:28: "When he has done this [put everything under Christ], then the Son himself will be made subject to him who put everything under him, so that God may be all in all" and Philippians 2:11, "And every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father." These verses clearly subordinate the rulership of Christ to that of God the Father.

As an aside, these verses are "pre-orthodox." They do not yet reflect the full Christian understanding of the persons of the Trinity and their interrelationships. My purposes here are not to deny the orthodox Christian understanding but to ask where Paul was in the flow of revelation given his Jewish/Greco Roman context. Although it is debated among Christians currently, I am quite willing to affirm by faith the orthodox understanding that there is no subordination among the persons of the Godhead. Orthodoxy has generally understood passages like 1 Corinthians 15:28 in the light of Christ's humanity rather than his divinity, a distinction of course that I suspect Paul would not yet be able to understand.

Perhaps the most interesting part of Bauckham's paper are his discussions of three possible exceptions to his claim that only God can be on the throne.

1. Wisdom on the Throne
Here Bauckham looks at 1 Enoch 84 (from the Dream Visions) and Wisdom 9. Bauckham is right to see these as completely coherent with "monotheism." These are clearly personifications of God's wisdom.

The alternative to Bauckham sees the path to protological language about Christ through the path of wisdom and word. Psalm 110:1 places Christ at God's right hand--"wisdom" is at God's right hand--Christ embodies the meaning, the logos, of creation and is the instrument of new creation--equation of Christ with God's wisdom and logos. Philippians 2 remains the strongest argument against this perspective, in my opinion.

2. Moses on the Throne
Bauckham here treats Ezekiel the Tragedian's (ca. 200BC) placement of Moses on God's throne over all things. His reading seems plausible enough to me. Exegesis of Exodus, influenced by Genesis, leads to this image. The key passage is Exodus 7:1, where God tells Moses, "I will make you god to Pharaoh." Thus the metaphor of Moses on God's throne is God making Moses god to the universe. But it is not really God's throne but an image relating to Moses in relation to the Egyptians.

This picture does not violate "monotheism" because Moses is clearly subordinated to God's rule and in fact rules for God. His placement on God's throne makes us a little uncomfortable, but it is within the parameters of God's sole rule. I like Bauckham's interpretation, but Ezekiel T still puts Moses relative to God's rule on the throne of all things.

3. Son of Man in the Parables of Enoch
By far the most interesting parallel is the Son of Man in the Parables of Enoch. The Son of Man is seated on the divine throne over all things and judges the world. "All those who dwell on the earth will fall and worship before him" (48.5). Bauckham says this is the "exception which proves the rule" (60).

But the problem is that this is Bauckham's rule. How is it not rather the "evidence that undermines his paradigm"? I don't think anyone questions that the Son of Man here is subordinated to the Ancient of Days. But apparently it was okay for such a figure to mediate God's rule.

Further, worship itself is an ambiguous concept. It was appropriate to "bow the knee" to a king, which is one of the words for worship. It is not clear to me that Bauckham or Hurtado have in any way demonstrated that Jewish thought could not accommodate "bowing the knee" to a ruler of all things who was clearly subordinated to the Ruler of all things.

Bauckham has called an exception one of the clearest parallels to the NT in Jewish literature on this topic. I'm a little puzzled that Bauckham distances Matthew 25 from these passages in the Parables. It reminds me of Simon Gathercole's distancing of Sirach and wisdom passages from Matthew. In both cases I suspect that interpreter bias is the ultimate cause rather than an inductive reading of the evidence.

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

Dunn's Partings 8: "Jesus and the One God"

I've skipped three chapters in my review of James D. G. Dunn's The Partings of the Ways because the summer is nearly gone and there is so much I still want to do. Maybe some time I'll come back and fill in the gaps before archiving the review.

But I'm skipping his consideration of election and covenant and going to the set of chapters in which Dunn considers monotheism, beginning with chapter 9: "Jesus and the One God." Dunn's conclusion about Jesus is, "Jesus himself still stood well within the boundaries of second Temple Judaism at the point of Jewish monotheism" (240).

I might preface the following discussion by noting the absence of John from much of the discussion. It is not that Dunn does not consider John. It is that he has concluded that John at these points reflects later Christian reflection on Jesus more than Jesus' own words and self-presentation. Whether you agree with him or not, it is instructive to consider the synoptic portrait in itself, because you realize just how different John's portrayal is--and how much we shove its presentation down the Synoptic gospels throat without truly listening to them.

1. Jesus was a devout worshipper of the one God.
Dunn agrees with the general sense that "Jesus proclaimed God and not himself" (216). Jesus had a regular prayer life. Dunn decides not to speculate on Jesus' participation in temple sacrifices, although he notes that "It would presumably have been regarded as extremely odd if he had never done so" (217). On this matter the silence of the biblical record does not mention any oddness or issue in this regard.

The Shema shows up in his language at times, and Jesus deflects Satan by reference to it. Finally Jesus called for faith in God. Faith in him did not seem to be a feature of his call for faith.

Thus no contradiction of monotheism here. Jesus squarely placed himself under the one God.

2. Jesus as Messiah
Dunn makes an excellent case that people certainly wondered if Jesus was the Messiah. What is interesting is that Jesus rather consistently deflected these questions or distanced himself from this identity. Dunn puts it this way, "there is an indication on the part of Jesus of an unwillingness to accept what those who put the question would understand by the term (Messiah/King)" (222).

In any case, the Jews were not expecting the messiah to be superhuman anyway. So definitely no contradiction of monotheism here.

3. Jesus as God's son
Dunn considers it very clear that Jesus considered himself God's son. His use of Abba makes the case particularly for Dunn. However, there is no connotation of divinity here. "At the time of Jesus 'son of God' was a way of characterizing someone who was thought to be commissioned by God or highly favoured by God" (225). At most it might be a reference to the Messiah as Son of God, but even this use does not imply superhuman status.

4. Jesus as son of man/Son of Man
Dunn first rightly observes that the phrase "son of man" appears almost exclusively on the lips of Jesus himself in the NT. He concludes "the phrase must have been a very firm and clear characteristic of Jesus' own speech" (227).

After looking at several references and their parallels, Dunn concludes that Jesus must at least some of the time have used "son of man" simply as a way of referring to "man," to himself as a person. This is almost certainly true. The controversy comes when we ask whether Jesus ever referred to himself by this phrase as the Son of Man of Daniel 7.

Dunn does not commit to a position here. He does argue that the Parables of Enoch and 4 Ezra post-date Jesus. These writings do see the Son of Man as an exalted figure involved in the judgment. 4 Ezra dates from around AD100. The date of the Parables is disputed, but I think they must be roughly concurrent with the rise of the Christian movement or else the phrase son of man would impact the NT more.

In the end, Dunn concludes, "even if Jesus did draw on Dan. 7:13 to express his hope and conviction regarding his future vindication in particular, that would not be un-Jewish in character, and would be quite consistent with a strongly held monotheism" (230).

5. Jesus' authority
Here Dunn rehearses suggestions that Jesus' claims to authority might supercede the human. Not so. Priests had authority to pronounce sins forgiven (as we saw, this more the point of contention). There were other exorcists, other miracle workers who called themselves God's son. The Teacher of Righteousness claimed incredible authority.

6. Jesus in John
In this section, Dunn argues that the Fourth Gospel reflects a later stage of christology rather than the first stage and Jesus' historical self-presentation. "Had Jesus spoken in the terms ascribed to him in the Fourth Gospel the crisis [of parting] must have come must sooner" (234). He catalogs the stark difference between the way Jesus speaks in the Synoptics and the way he speaks in John. He notes the consistency of style across characters in John and 1 John and concludes that "the teaching of the Fourth Gospel can hardly be explained as other than the much developed theological reflection of the fourth evangelist" (253). If Jesus had historically said these sorts of things so early, "it is astonishing that there is no greater mark of it elsewhere in the NT, not just in the Synoptics, but also in the other NT writings" (234).

7. The eschatological plus
Dunn ends the chapter with features of Jesus' ministry that begin to move beyond the normal, elements that must have been "uncomfortable from the first" (235). While Jesus self-identified as a prophet, it was not just any prophet but the eschatological prophet of Isaiah 61. Jesus strikingly modifies the prophetic, "Thus says the LORD" to "I say to you." He was not just an exorcist, but the exorcist who would end the rule of Satan. Jesus saw himself as empowered by the Spirit. His use of Amen of his own sayings was striking when others used it of others' sayings. He called disciples, 12 of them, but did not include himself among them.

In short, "Jesus taught with a degree of self-consciousness of being God's spokesman, able to act and speak in God's stead, which is only partially paralleled within the Jewish tradition" (238). He saw himself as the eschatological spokesman for God, a role beyond any human role before him.

What do we conclude from all this? We conclude that Jesus could probably have been understood by those around him in human terms. At the same time, he also seems to have given hints of something unprecedented, of something more.

Sunday, September 14, 2014

The Worship of Jesus, again

I'm trying to finish a piece on Hebrews and Christology, and I thought I'd use the blog to process some thoughts again. I wrote a piece in 2008 here on the spectrum of positions on the worship of Jesus and received some good feedback from friends. I want to try again.

1. First, let me name the individuals whom I consider to be key players in this discussion. That is to say, any categorization scheme I come up with needs to account with sufficient nuance for the positions of these scholars (I've thrown in some whom I want to be mentioned in the footnotes):
  • Jarl Fossum
  • Margaret Barker
  • Peter Hayman
  • Alan Segal
  • Maurice Casey
  • James D. G. Dunn
  • Loren Stuckenbruck
  • Larry Hurtado
  • Richard Bauckham
  • Paula Frederickson
  • James McGrath
  • Adela Yarbro Collins
  • William Horbury
  • Bart Ehrman
2. What are the key questions? In my 2008 post, I suggested that three questions suffice to adequately categorize these thinkers:
  • Did those who believed Jesus was the Messiah worship him in the strictest sense of that term?
  • If they did, did this worship stand outside the boundaries of mainstream Jewish monotheism?
  • When did this worship of Jesus first take place and what factors facilitated it?
I am pondering whether it would be more precise to present these questions in a slightly more involved form:

a. Was the worship of YHWH exclusive within mainstream Judaism at the time of Christ? A fundamental question is of course what it means to "worship" a being.

b. If it was, to what extent did Judaism allow for the reverence or worship of subsidiary beings as a special case of the worship of the one God YHWH?

c. At what point did the early Christians begin to worship Jesus? Within incipient Christian Judaism? Within early Hellenistic Christianity? Within late first century Christianity or later?

d. Was this worship in continuity with Jewish precedents (especially in conjunction with the answer to #2 above), or did it mark an unprecedented innovation? Was that innovation a "parting" from Jewish monotheism or somehow a new variation on it?

3. So let me try to run Richard Bauckham through this series of questions.

a. He believes the worship of YHWH was exclusive.
b. He also believes that the Jews did not worship any other subsidiary being, even one closely associated with YHWH.
c. He believes the worship of Jesus was very, very early in incipient Christian Judaism.
d. He considers it a clear innovation, but not one that parted from Jewish monotheism. Rather, Jesus is understood to be within the identify of the one God, whose oneness is typified by his role in creation, in eschatology, and in being the sole recipient of sacrifices.

4. Now let me try Larry Hurtado, who perhaps will correct me if I'm wrong.

a. He believes the worship of YHWH was exclusive.
b. He does not believe that Jews actually worshiped any of the agents of God in early Judaism before Christ, although there was the rise of the two power heresy later.
c. He believes that the worship of Jesus was very, very early within incipient Christian Judaism.
d. He considers it a significant mutation, one helped by the traditions about divine agents in Judaism, but of a distinctly new form. Jesus is cultically worshiped in a way they were not. I believe he sees this as a significant discontinuity with mainstream Judaism, worthy of the name, "binitarian."

5. Now let me try James Dunn:

a. He believes the worship of YHWH was exclusive.
b. He does not believe that Jews worshiped any of the agents of God in early Judaism before Christ.
c. He believes that the worship of Jesus in any strong sense was slow to develop within early Christianity.
d. He thus believes that earliest Christianity remained in continuity with Jewish monotheism in the sense that the early veneration of Jesus was not in discontinuity with Jewish precedents.

6. Now let me try Margaret Barker:

a. She did not believe that the worship of YHWH was exclusive. There was at least one other deity, Elohim. (I have always considered her positions bizarre in the extreme)
b. I suppose this makes the second question a bit moot.
c. She thus doesn't have a problem with the early worship of Jesus, I don't think.
d. And she sees the worship of Jesus in continuity with earlier Jewish tradition.

I'd be curious to know if other scholars find this way of approaching categorization helpful. Let me try James McGrath:

a. I believe he considers the worship of YHWH generally exclusive.
b. But he does believe there were precedents for a softer worship of other beings associated with YHWH within a Judaism whose understanding of monotheism changed over time.
c. He does not believe that the earliest worship of Jesus was as robust as Hurtado or Bauckham think. In particular, Jesus was never the recipient of sacrificial worship.
d. He thus does not see the early reverence of Jesus as any kind of departure from the monotheistic precedents within Judaism.

How'd I do, James?

Sunday, May 25, 2014

G.11 There is only one God, but God is three persons.

Last post in the section on God in my ongoing series giving some thoughts on theology in bullet points. I may have missed something, but I believe this concludes my section on God. I'll post all the links in a separate post in a moment.
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G11. There is only one God, but God is three persons.

How can God only be one God and yet be three distinct persons? It is a mystery. Any attempt to explain this historic Christian belief is doomed to fall into something that has been considered a heresy at some point or another in Christian history. You might say that, at best, we might simply affirm everything we need to affirm and not try to figure out how it all fits together.

1. There is only one God.
This is a central pillar of the Jewish faith from which Christian faith emerged. Old Testament faith was of course more complicated in its Ancient Near Eastern context. The Israelites believed that Ba'al existed. They just didn't believe he was an appropriate god to worship nor anywhere near as powerful as Yahweh, the God of Israel. [1] The God of Israel was in fact God Most High, the Creator God, the one true God. The others were inferior beings who were nothing next to God. They were to put no god before Yahweh (Exod. 20:3).

We as Christians today would not even call such beings "gods." We might take Paul's lead and call them demons at best (1 Cor. 10:20)--perhaps even figments of the Canaanite imagination. The one true God is the sole Creator of the universe out of nothing. [2] He created all other spiritual powers, including those that were associated with other peoples in the Ancient Near East.

Paul puts it this way: "For even if there are so-called gods, whether in heaven or on earth (as indeed there are many “gods” and many “lords”), yet for us there is but one God, the Father, from whom all things came and for whom we live" (1 Cor. 8:5-6a). This is a consistent teaching of Scripture. Ephesians clearly states that, "There is... one God and Father of all, who is over all and through all and in all" (4:4, 6).

2. There are three persons who are the one God.
Here is where it gets complicated. Since the 300s, Christianity has affirmed not only that there is one God, but that God the Father is God, Jesus is God, and the Holy Spirit is God. As a creed from those early centuries puts it, we do not confuse the persons of the Trinity, this three-in-one. And we do not divide the one substance. [3]

As this creed puts it, "there is one person of the Father and one person of the Son, and one person of the Holy Spirit, but the divinity of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit is one." All three are uncreated. All three are eternal. All three are all powerful. "The Father is God, the Son is God, the Holy Spirit is God. Yet there are not three gods, but one God."

The details of this belief were worked out in the first few centuries of Christianity as the Church tried to discern what the Bible indicated about God. So John 1:1 said that "the Word was God," meaning that Jesus was God. But did Jesus become God at his baptism or resurrection (adoptionism)? Was Jesus the first, most exalted of God's creation, but still part of the creation (Arianism)? Or perhaps Jesus was only similar in substance to God the Father (homoiousios) rather than "of the same substance" (homoousios).

On the other side of the equation, were the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit simply three different faces of God but not really three distinct persons (modalism)?  After Christianity became a legal religion in the Roman Empire, the leaders of Christianity came together at a city called Nicaea in the year AD325 to try to hammer out some of these disagreements. [4] It would take the better part of a century, but by about the year 400, the current belief had become the commonly accepted one on the Trinity.

The common belief of Christianity ever since is that all three persons of the Trinity are distinct persons but that they are only one God.

3. This is a difficult concept, and it has always been tempting to modify it or give it greater clarity than we are in a position to understand. It is also a position that required Christians to answer questions that are not entirely clear in the Bible, and the different groups who argued in the first centuries all used Scripture to argue for their positions.

Even today, there is a tendency to go into great detail about relationships between the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit before the creation of the world. But in all of Scripture, the only passage to come anywhere close to saying anything along these lines is when Jesus speaks of the glory he shared with God the Father before the world began (John 17:5). In the Bible itself, we see the nature of Jesus' relationship with the Father while he is on earth but not so much before.

Knowing the tendency traditions have to grow, it is best for us to focus most on the Trinity in relation to the roles each play in Scripture and not to speculate too much about things we could not possibly comprehend. God the Father functions most in Scripture as the transcendent and sovereign Creator to whom all glory must ultimately go (e.g., Phil. 2:11). Jesus functions most in Scripture as the agent of God in the redemption of the world, the one in whom the world once again finds its intended meaning and purpose. The Spirit functions most in Scripture as the channel of God's presence and power on the earth.

In Scripture, God is three persons, even though there is only one God.

Next week: C.1 God created the universe out of nothing.

[1] The worship of one God while believing others exist is called "monolatry," and the position is called "henotheism."

[2] I am following the lead here of Richard Bauckham's description of Jewish monotheism at the time of Christ in Jesus and the God of Israel: God Crucified and Other Studies on the New Testament's Christology of Divine Identity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008), 184. In addition to "creational" monotheism, he describes Jewish monotheism as "cultic monotheism" (meaning that only Yahweh was worthy of worship) and "eschatological monotheism" (only Yahweh would emerge victorious at the end of history).

[3] The so called Athansian Creed.

[4] The Roman emperor Constantine made Christianity a legal religion in AD313.

Wednesday, July 02, 2008

Dunn's Partings 2: The Four Pillars

A quick summary of chapter 2 of James D. G. Dunn's The Partings of the Ways. This chapter sketches the central principles of Second Temple Judaism--Judaism as we define it rather than the word Ioudaismos as the Jews would have understood it at the time of Christ. As I mentioned in the previous post, Dunn believes that this term was coined in direct opposition to the term hellenismos and thus that it is a term born of the distinction between Jewish practice and Greek, particularly when it comes to the ethnic distinctives of the Law like circumcision, food laws, sabbath observance.

Dunn refers to these things as "common Judaism" in the absence of later rabbinic "orthodox" Judaism, which would represent significant pruning of an earlier diversity (and I remain inclined to think that rabbinic Judaism--as indeed the current Jewish canon--is largely the continuation of the Pharisaic tradition. The Protestant Old Testament, perhaps ironically, is thus the Pharisaic canon rather than the canon of Jerusalem Christianity, which I suspect was more along the lines of the Essene canon (including books like 1 Enoch as Scripture).

It seems to me that N. T. Wright truncates Dunn's list to three pillars, leaving off land. I don't know if he gives rationale for this somewhere, and I'm not in my office right now to look. In any case, the four or three pillar idea is an interpreter's construct. The Jews themselves did not use this language. They are scholarly reconstructions and must therefore be considered very tentative and amendable.

Monotheism
Like Hurtado and Bauckham (and Wright), Dunn considers monotheism one of the key distinctives of Jewish identity in the first century. This was mostly an exclusivist monotheism, meaning that YHWH was not equated with Zeus or Jupiter but was considered God with them not being gods at all. It is true that we do find some incidents of syncretism like this (Letter of Aristeas). Others considered these sorts of powers to be demonic powers of the other nations (cf. Ps. 82). Dunn mentions that at other times the virtues of other gods were captured as the virtues of God himself (e.g., wisdom).

Election
Also common to most of the surviving Jewish literature from this period is the sense that God had called Israel apart to be a special people to Him in distinction from the other nations. Dunn cites here excerpts from Jubilees and the Psalms of Solomon, as well as from the Eighteen Benedictions. The first two are, of course, largely texts that stand on the exclusivist side of Judaism from the time. But our common sense tells us that people groups in a collectivist culture consider themselves special in distinction from others, that syncretism in the matter of gods did not play itself out into any sense that all peoples were equal.

Covenant (based in Torah)
In this section, Dunn confirms the idea of "covenantal nomism" in perhaps slightly broader terms that the way E. P. Sanders used the phrase. The idea is basically that Israel understood its covenant to be the connection between monotheism and election. God had singled out Israel from among the nations, and Israel had YHWH alone as its God. The relationship was codified in the Torah.

The covenant involved certain obligations on Israel's part. If Israel would keep these obligations, God would bless them. If Israel did not keep them, God would curse them until they repented.

We can see the time of the Maccabees as the most important backdrop to the Judaism of New Testament days. Israel was on the brink of complete assimiliation to Hellenism (not to be confused with hellenization in general, which did take place--even 2 Maccabees was written in Greek). "Zeal for the law" was the winning hand, following in the spirit of Ezra, by the time of Christ.

[For those of you who know the chapter, it's clear that I'm doing a targum on Dunn, merging my own thoughts with his]

Dunn suggests two features of the common Jewish understanding of Torah at the time:
1) The law came to be understood as a basic expression of Jewish distinctiveness.

He cites Jubilees, Aristeas (! - pluralist yet big on the distinctiveness of Israel), and Philo. Thus, words like "lawless" came to refer to the Jews in the sense that they do not follow the Jewish law.

2) A sense of privilege as Jews.

This of course plays into Dunn's "new perspective" on Paul. He understands the boasting of Romans to be not an individualistic boasting in good works but a nationalistic boasting in ethnic privilege (so also Wright--"nationalistic righteousness"). A Gentile is thus a sinner by definition.

Naturally, argues Dunn, this distinctiveness and privilege led to a focus on aspects of the law that distinguished Jew from Gentile. As we know from elsewhere, Dunn believes these are the things that would have immediately come to mind when someone used the phrase "works of law": circumcision, Sabbath, and food laws.

Land (centered in Temple)
In Deuteronomy, the focus of Israel's blessing for keeping the covenant is its keeping and flourishing in the land. The temple was seen as the focus of the blessing.

a) The temple was the political center of Israel. The word "Jew" originally meant "Judean," and it is hard to tell when it stopped having this precise connotation. A "Judean" is thus someone connected with the territory in which the temple was located.

b) The temple was the economic center of Israel. In crass terms, Jerusalem was a tourist center. It had little to offer economically except for its temple. The temple drew pilgrims to the three central feasts and a half-shekel tax from Jewish males all over the Mediterranean. Its mount served as a center for trade.

c) The temple was a religious center.

Dunn ends the chapter by considering various aspects of the Jewish world that might be taken as arguments against considering the temple as a pillar of common Judaism:

1. The Essenes decried the temple. But Dunn rightly notes that it is not the institution of the temple per se that the Essenes opposed, but its current priesthood, practice, and general defilement.

2. The Jewish temple at Leontopolis in Egypt that existed at the time of Christ came from about the same time as the Maccabean crisis when the Syrians ended the hereditary priesthood. Dunn thus does not see it as against the Jerusalem temple per se but a similar protest to that of the Essenes.

3. The rise of synagogues in the Diaspora similarly were not against the Temple but the attempt of Jews to maintain their religion at a distance from it. We might note that synagogue at the time of Christ likely does not refer to a building necessarily. It refered merely to a gathering, which of course could take place in a dedicated building but at this time more often than not probably did not.

Sorry to say but I doubt very seriously that any of the synagogues Wilbur Williams shows on tour were buildings of worship at the time of Jesus.

Friday I'll return (hopefully) to the next chapter of Hurtado. Tomorrow I might have to miss because of other obligations...

Monday, February 16, 2009

Monday Hebrews Writing: Defining Monotheism

Blogging raises a number of issues for me. Does it hinder my put out in terms of permanent writing? Does it keep me from getting work or family responsibilities done? I've tried to argue to myself that what I do here helps me with my writing and thinking.

Certainly I have written a number of things on this blog that are now in print and wouldn't have otherwise existed. But I'd also have to admit that a number of projects seem stymied and blogging takes away from them. Even working through a book like Dunn's takes hours that I might otherwise spend writing and only dipping into books as appropriate.

So I need to spend more blog time writing things I'm writing. It actually helps me write. Just the thought that someone out there might be reading along helps motivate me in a way sitting in front of a silent screen of Microsoft Word doesn't. It even seems to flow better.

So I'm setting aside Mondays for the foreseeable future toward the writing of my stymied Hebrews book. Today we join chapter 3 in progress, "Hebrews and Monotheism," on page 17, second paragraph:
________
The earliest example—although the specific word worship does not appear—is the seating of Moses on God’s heavenly throne in the Exagōgē of Ezekiel the Tragedian. Ezekiel’s Exagōgē dates to around 200BC. In it, God hands over his scepter to Moses, withdraws from his heavenly throne and has Moses mount it, then hands him the crown (74-75). Then a multitude of stars bow down before him (79-80).

Bauckham is quite keen to show that “[w]hat the dream means is something other than what it says.”[1] The throne dream is meant to explain Exodus 7:1, where God says he will make Moses “god” to Pharaoh. It figuratively portrays the role that Moses will play as ruler of Israel and was never meant to imply that Moses literally would ever take God’s heavenly throne.

Certainly Bauckham is correct in the bulk of his understanding of the Exagōgē. Where we might accuse him of over-reading the text is when he finds great significance in the fact that God vacates his throne before Moses sits on it.[2] For Bauckham, this is a point of great importance. Part of the unique monotheism of Judaism for Bauckham is the implication that only God can sit on the divine throne. For someone else to sit there, God would have to remove himself. Further, the fact that Moses realizes this fact contributes to the terror he experiences when he awakes from the dream.

None of these claims are necessitated by the text itself. They have an air of plausibility, but they seem to fill in gaps in the text itself on the basis of conclusions Bauckham has drawn from outside the Exagōgē, such as his sense of what all Jews of the period might have considered appropriate in relation to God’s throne. On the other hand, if Artapanas and Aristeas are any indication, Egyptian Judaism at this time was apparently far less scrupulous about the contours of monotheism than Jews at other times in other contexts. In short, Bauckham and other interpreters likely have more of a problem with Moses sitting on God’s throne than Egyptian Jews at the time might have.

[1] Jesus and the God of Israel, 167.
[2] Jesus and the God of Israel, 168-69.

Friday, July 03, 2020

On the seventh day of Jimmy...

James Dunn passed away a week ago today, We have been going through one of his key works each day. So far we have looked at...

1. The Evidence for Jesus (1985)
2. Baptism in the Holy Spirit (1970)
3. Unity and Diversity in the New Testament (1977)
4. Christology in the Making (1980)
5. "Once more, ΠΙΣΤΙΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΥ" (1991)
6. The New Perspective on Paul (2005)

I have also slipped in Jesus and the Spirit (1975), Romans 1 and 2 (1988), Jesus, Paul, and the Law (1990), Galatians (1993), and Paul and the Mosaic Law (1996).

1. The seventh book I want to mention is The Partings of the Ways: Between Christianity and Judaism and Their Significance for the Character of Christianity (1991).

The "new perspective" on Paul had at its core the surprisingly obvious realization that Paul was a Jew and, in his own mind, remained an Israelite his whole life. One of Dunn's final compilations was a 2011 book called Jesus, Paul, and the Gospels. Included in that volume is a great article from 1999 called, "Who Did Paul Think He Was?" It's just a perfect example of Dunn's lucidity, clarity, and evidence-based approach to questions.

So one side of the new perspective was a sense of the continuity between Paul and Judaism. The other side of the new perspective was a more balanced perspective on the nature of Judaism itself. Embarrassing stereotypes were called into question. For example, the writer of the Qumran hymns prays, "What is someone born of a woman among all your awesome works? ... His base is the guilt of sin... Only by your goodness is humanity acquitted" (1QH 5.20-21, 23). Sure doesn't sound like he thinks he can earn his salvation! [1]

2. This more accurate reassessment of Judaism was bound to prompt a similar reassessment of the historical Jesus. In the 1980s, Tom Wright coined the phrase, the "third quest" for the historical Jesus. It's core feature was, unsurprisingly, interpreting Jesus against a more accurate understanding of Judaism. For example, it has been all too easy over the years to function with a pretty cardboard sense of the Pharisees. Picture a cartoon villain with a long curly mustache. They just might have been a little more complex than that.

So the great trio of new perspectives--Sanders, Dunn, and Wright also made contributions to Jesus studies in the late twentieth century. Sanders' key work was Jesus and Judaism (1985). Wright's summative work on the historical Jesus was Jesus and the Victory of God (1997). I'll mention Dunn's work Jesus Remembered (2003) in three days.

3. The progression was all too predictable. Once Jesus, Paul, and Judaism were reassessed, the question arose--"If there was no immediate parting of Christianity from Judaism, when exactly was the 'parting of the ways'?" Dunn, once again, was right on top of the wave with our book d'jour, Partings of the Ways.

Even before Dunn gave his own answer to this question, there had been another Durham-Tübingen Symposium in 1989 on this topic. Dunn as usual sat in the driver's seat, about to assume the mantle in 1990 as Lightfoot Professor of Divinity at Durham. This chair was beyond the role of Professor, named after the greatest British New Testament scholar of the late nineteenth century. The conference volume was published as Jews and Christians: The Parting of the Ways AD70-135. 

4. Notice the slight difference in title between the conference volume and Dunn's 1991 book. The conference spoke of a "parting" in the singular, and located this parting to a specific time period between the destruction of Jerusalem and the bar Kokhba revolt. One take-away from that meeting must have been a sense on Dunn's part that it was more complicated than one monolithic parting: thus "partings" plural in the title.

This sentiment would follow in a number of other works by other authors in the years that ensued. Take, for example, the 2007 book, The Ways That Never Parted, edited by Becker and Reed. Daniel Boyarin would write a 2006 book called Border Lines, in which he uses the word "partitioning" of the ways, suggesting a much more complicated and fuzzy border between Judaism and Christianity in the centuries following Jesus. [2] I recently finished writing up my own thoughts on Hebrews on this question, finally published last year, A New Perspective on Hebrews: Rethinking the Parting of the Ways. Whether I am right or not on Hebrews, I'm proud of the summaries I gave in this book of the new perspective, the partings discussion, and debates over development of the worship of Jesus.

5. One might wonder when I am going to get to Dunn's book! His book is organized around what he calls the "four pillars" of Judaism. Of course he is going to get flack for this. I seem to remember that Jacob Neusner had at him, for example, just as he did at Sanders. Judaism is more a religion of practice than ideology, not to mention that Dunn here was echoing the concept of the five pillars of Islam.

The four are monotheism, election, covenant/law, and land/temple. The concept of monotheism itself has been deconstructed in the meantime, not least at a conference I attended at St. Andrews in 1998. It's essays were published as The Jewish Roots of Christological Monotheism.

Despite its imprecision, I often use this framework when I am explaining Deuteronomistic theology to students. There was one God for Israel, and one people for Yahweh. If they would serve him exclusively, he would bless them in their land. I think this is a fair summary of Deuteronomy 28-29 as well as Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings.

6. Dunn proceeds to the temple. In chapter three he notes that "Jesus had a very positive attitude to the Temple" (49). On the other hand, it seems true that Jesus "did not share the concerns or degree of concern regarding purity" that Pharisees did (58). Perhaps in that regard he was regarded as a threat. Dunn thinks Jesus' action in the temple is what likely set in motion his arrest (69). Dunn believes Jesus anticipated his death (71). These positions all seem credible to me, as is Dunn's conclusion to this chapter: "Jesus appears on this subject to stand well within the diversity of second Temple Judaism" (74).

Chapter 4 looks at evidence from the early church in Acts. He sees evidence here in Stephen as "the beginning of a radical critique of the Temple on the part of the infant Christian movement" (90). He sees here "the beginning of a breach between Christianity and the predominant Temple-centered Judaism of the mid-first century." He also suggests Hellenists like Stephen represented a split within the Jesus movement itself (99). I'm a little hesitant about this wording, but he was writing in 1991 (second edition 2006).

Chapter 5 then finishes the series of temple-related chapters. Dunn concludes that, with Paul's theology of sacrifice, "there is no longer a need for the sacrificial cult" (105). He takes the traditional view that Hebrews "was written to warn against the danger of a relapse into traditional Judaism" (117). Accordingly, he concludes that "it is difficult to avoid talking of a parting of the ways in the case of Hebrews" (121). He concludes similarly with John: "the movement for which he speaks has parted company with mainstream Judaism precisely at the point of the cult" (123). In scholarship, "cult" refers to the sacrificial system.

Well, I ended up parting with Jimmy on this chapter. If Hebrews and John were written after the destruction of the temple, it makes a difference. Rabbinic Judaism has not parted with Judaism because it doesn't need a physical temple! So if these books were written after the destruction of the temple, which I think they were, then they cannot be said to depart from Judaism on this score, in my opinion. Hebrews can then be seen as much as a consolation in the wake of the temple's destruction as a polemic against it.

As a side note, Dunn first delivered this book at a series of lectures at the Pontifical Institute in Rome (see p.119n.61). Let's just say that his teaching on Hebrews as precluding the need for any priest or human intermediary sparked some discussion! He was never in your face or had an animus to these things, but he was definitely a "T" personality who didn't shy away from saying what he thought, even if it was very controversial for the context. I remember the Q & A session at Asbury having a similar dynamic.

7. Chapters 6-8 deal with the question of covenant and land. Here Dunn brought his new perspective understandings to bear on the question of continuity and discontinuity. With regard to the Law, Dunn concludes that Jesus was not calling the Law itself into question but "the law understood in a factional or sectarian way" (149). With regard to Paul, Dunn saw the incident at Antioch in Galatians 2 as the beginning of a fissure that would eventually undermine the covenant pillar of Judaism (178). He concludes, "It was Paul who effectively undermined this third pillar of second Temple Judaism (183).

I might clarify that Paul himself did not see himself as undermining the Law (cf. Rom. 3:31), even if he started a trajectory that later Gentile Christianity would widen. As Dunn himself says, "Paul was attacking neither the law, nor the covenant... but the law as a boundary round Israel, marking off Jew from Gentile" (182).

Chapter 8 then looks at the New Testament in relation to Israel. He concludes, "they still wrote for those for whom the issue was not closed" (212). For example, "John was still fighting a factional battle within Judaism" (209). I have thus often said, along with others, that it is more accurate to speak of "Christian Jews" in the New Testament rather than "Jewish Christians." Indeed, I have even used the expression "Gentile Jews" for early Gentile Christians.

8. The next three chapters end the sequence with monotheism. He covers much of the same ground as Christology. He concludes chapter 9 on Jesus with a sense that "Jesus himself still stood well within the boundaries of second Temple Judaism at the point of Jewish monotheism" (240). Dunn ends chapter 10 with what I believe is a very important observation about Paul: "Had Paul's christology been equally, or more contentious [than his position on the Law] at this time for his fellow Jews, we would surely have heard of it from Paul's own letters" (270).

For John, Dunn draws a mixed inference. "John saw himself still as a monotheist" (299). But from the standpoint of emerging rabbinic Judaism, "Christian claims for Jesus had taken a step too far. From their perspective the parting of the ways had already happened" (300).

9. Dunn concludes the book with a sense that Judaism before AD70 was quite diverse and thus that something like a normative Judaism did not emerge until the rabbinic Judaism following the destruction of Jerusalem (312). Even this claim can be questioned, however. He would thus say that "the period between the two Jewish revolts (66-70 and 132-135) was decisive for the parting of the ways."

More significant, he would argue, was a parting of the ways "between mainstream Christianity and Jewish Christianity" (313). He would argue that what was more in continuity with earliest Christianity would become heretical Jewish Christianity in the second century (e.g., the Ebionites). He concludes, "By the end of the second Jewish revolt, Christian and Jew were clearly distinct and separate" (318). Again, the book mentioned above by Becker and Reed would dispute even this conclusion, as would Boyarin.

[1] If I might wend my wares a little, I suspect that some of the inaccurate assessment came from the fact that Lutheran and Reformed thinkers were doing it. These branches accuse Methodism of the same sort of works righteousness that they saw in Judaism. The irony is that this "works righteousness" is none other than what the New Testament teaches!

N. T. Wright has done a good job of showing the role of works even in justification in Paul's writings. See, for example, Justification. As a small sample, see 2 Corinthians 5:10: "It is necessary for us all to appear before the judgment seat of Christ for each to give an account for the things s/he did in the body, whether good or evil."

The two volume "the Reformation strikes back" was Justification and Variegated Nomism.

[2] I listened to the conclusion yesterday of the Enoch Seminar conference on the Origins of Evil. Boyarin was critiquing the too facile use of terms like Judaism, Gnosticism, monotheism, etc. He reminded me of Heikki Räisänen--so detailed oriented that he finds it difficult to label these entities. He sees only the differences. In his mind they all fall apart.